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Continental Congresses

At the conclusion of the Seven Years’ War in 1763, independence from the British Crown was an outlandish thought in the minds of many American colonists. They enjoyed the protections of one of the world’s most powerful empires and rights and freedoms granted to its subjects. Little more than a decade later, delegates from these same colonies assembled in Philadelphia, risking their “lives, fortunes, and sacred honor” as they declared independence from Great Britain. The First and Second Continental Congresses, held in Philadelphia in 1774 and 1775-81, engaged in the complex politics surrounding independence and heightened the city’s role in a world-changing moment in history.

Tensions between the British Crown and the American colonies had simmered since the passage of the Stamp Act in 1765. The Coercive Acts, passed by the British Parliament in 1774 to punish the city of Boston for the Boston Tea Party, put the Massachusetts government under direct British control, closed the port of Boston, and increased British troops there. While the Acts were designed to bring only the Massachusetts colony under tight control, the highly punitive legislation drew concern from all thirteen colonies. Many outside of Massachusetts viewed the acts as a violation of their valued rights under the English constitution; the outrage demanded a unified response from the colonies.

But what response? Only the most radical among the colonists advocated for independence. Many others, including Pennsylvania political leaders John Dickinson (1732-1808) and Joseph Galloway (1731-1803), acknowledged the need for political unity but also encouraged caution, non-violent action, and a desire to reconcile their differences with the British government.

[caption id="attachment_4297" align="alignright" width="215" caption="Carpenters' Hall, meeting place of the First Continental Congress, in a twentieth-century photograph for the Historic American Buildings Survey. (Library of Congress)"][/caption]

Representatives of twelve colonies assembled in Philadelphia in September 1774 at Carpenters’ Hall, then and since the meeting hall for the Carpenters’ Company of the City and County of Philadelphia. (Georgia, in dire need of the services of British regulars to fend off incursions of Creek Indians on its borders, did not send a delegation.)  The choice of Carpenters’ Hall, rather than the Pennsylvania State House, reflected the complex politics surrounding the independence movement. The State House was the seat of the Pennsylvania Provincial Assembly, which in the fall of 1774 was not only against independence but was viewed by many in Philadelphia as highly sympathetic to the British Crown. Galloway had served as Speaker of the Assembly since 1766, and he was clear in his belief that the colonies needed to reconcile their differences with Britain (later, in 1788, he moved to England). Carpenters’ Hall also housed the collections of the Library Company of Philadelphia, established in 1731 by Pennsylvania delegate Benjamin Franklin (1706-1790), of which the delegates were made subscribing members.

Then the largest port city in the colonies, Philadelphia was well situated to play a critical role in the slow march to independence. Its strategic location, wealth, population, industrial and commercial capacity, and professional and business classes were unsurpassed in America. On a more practical level, the city’s public buildings—including the State House, the “British Barracks” in Northern Liberties, the Pennsylvania Hospital, and Walnut Street Prison—could accommodate any of the needs of both Congresses.

Philadelphia also contained more than enough diversions to entertain its distinguished visitors. Massachusetts’ John Adams (1735-1826) and Connecticut’s Silas Deane (1737-1789) both noted the nearly unparalleled luxury found in the Second Street home of John Cadwalader (1742-1786), with whom they both dined. Delegates also were entertained in the many exclusive clubs of Philadelphia’s elite, including the Schuylkill Fishing Company, which was founded in 1732 and still exists as State on Schuylkill, one of the oldest private clubs in the United States.

At the First Continental Congress, little consensus existed as whether to declare independence. When Galloway proposed a “plan of union” with Great Britain, the delegates voted it down, but narrowly. After seven weeks of debate, the first Congress ended with the delegates agreeing only to form an “Association” to boycott British goods and to meet again in May 1775. By the time the Second Continental Congress assembled, this time in the Pennsylvania State House (later Independence Hall), events had moved forward rapidly. The delegates were not dealing solely with philosophical and political questions related to their rights as Englishmen, but were responding to the hostilities that began between British regulars and Massachusetts militiamen at the Battle of Lexington and Concord on April 19, 1775. This Congress, now joined by Franklin and Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826) and presided over by John Hancock (1737-1793), appointed George Washington (1732-1799) as commander of the Continental forces, managed the loosely organized colonial war effort, and debated whether to declare independence.

Initially, many of the delegates favored Dickinson’s long-held position—reconciliation with Great Britain. Jefferson, later the primary author of the Declaration of Independence, also wrote the first version of the Olive Branch Petition, which in July 1775 affirmed the colonists’ loyalty to the British king in an attempt to avoid further bloodshed. When the petition was rejected by King George III (1738-1820), who viewed the Second Congress as an illegal assembly and insincere in its intentions, members of the Congress who favored independence saw their opportunity and pushed for independence.

[caption id="attachment_4322" align="alignright" width="300" caption="Congress Voting Independence, a painting by Edward Savage, recreates the scene inside the Pennsylvania State House in 1776. (Historical Society of Pennsylvania)"][/caption]

After formally declaring independence on July 2, 1776, the Second Continental Congress became the government of the United States, and Philadelphia became the nation’s capital city. This location did not last long as the British army took control of Philadelphia in the fall of 1777, forcing the Congress to flee and conduct its business from a variety of locations, including York, Pennsylvania; Princeton, New Jersey; Baltimore, Maryland; and New York City. When the British army left Philadelphia after nine months of occupation, the national government returned its capital to Philadelphia, where it remained until 1781.

Regardless of its location, the weak powers of this first national government nearly caused its failure. To fight the American Revolution, the thirteen American colonies cautiously entered the “firm league of friendship” established by the Articles of Confederation. Indicating its weakness as a frame of a unified national government, the document was not fully ratified by all of the colonies until 1781—four years after its initial creation in 1777. Fighting the war with borrowed money and little power to collect revenue from the states through taxes, the Continental Congress was bankrupt at the conclusion of the War for Independence. When the states, addressing this and other problems facing the new nation, ratified a new United States Constitution in September 1788, the Continental Congress began its slow fade into history. The end came on March 2, 1789, in New York when the Congress was adjourned by its lone member, New York’s Philip Pell (1753-1811), for the last time.

Michael Karpyn teaches History, Economics, and Advanced Placement U.S. Government and Politics at Marple Newtown Senior High School in Newtown Square, Pennsylvania. He has served as a Summer Teaching Fellow at the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, where he is a member of the Teacher Advisory Group.

Declaration of Independence

[caption id="attachment_4332" align="aligncenter" width="575" caption="Congress Voting Independence, a painting by Edward Savage, recreates the scene inside the Pennsylvania State House in 1776. (Historical Society of Pennsylvania)"][/caption]

Convening in the East Room of the Pennsylvania State House from May 1775 to July 1776, sixty-five delegates of the Second Continental Congress worked through deep political divisions to create the Declaration of Independence, which gave birth to a new nation and cemented Philadelphia’s reputation as a Cradle of Liberty.

When the Second Continental Congress assembled in Philadelphia in May 1775, the shooting war between British and colonial forces was underway and the delegates faced the task of funding and arming a Continental army, appointing its leadership, and managing a war against its powerful foe. But what about the issue of independence? Even though the war had begun with the Battle of Lexington and Concord in Massachusetts a month before, on April 19, 1775, a formal political separation from the British crown was not a foregone conclusion.

[caption id="attachment_4335" align="alignright" width="193" caption="Common Sense, by Thomas Paine, was published in Philadelphia and generated popular support for independence. (Library of Congress)"][/caption]

Even in January 1776, a scant six months before the independence was declared, many of the delegates thought that reconciliation with the Crown was the most prudent course of action.  On January 9, 1776, Pennsylvania delegate James Wilson (1742-1798) proposed that Congress reject any talk of independence. That same day, the printing shop of Robert Bell near Third and Walnut Streets issued a pamphlet that magnified the desire for independence. Thomas Paine’s Common Sense, with its rejection of monarchy as a form of government and its impassioned pleas for independence from Great Britain, electrified not only Philadelphia but the thirteen colonies as a whole. While the Continental Congress continued to deliberate, the pamphlet caught fire outside of the elite ranks of colonial America, selling nearly 500,000 copies in its first year of publication.

Between April and July 1776, a groundswell towards independence also emerged in the form of more than ninety local declarations of independence adopted around the colonies. These included resolutions by militia companies in Philadelphia, Chester County, and Lancaster County, Pennsylvania.

The colonial governments of Delaware, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania did not share in the growing enthusiasm for independence. On May 1, 1776, voters in Pennsylvania elected a new provincial assembly that favored reconciliation. Due to its political and economic influence, Pennsylvania held a great deal of sway over the other colonies. Delaware instructed its delegates to the Continental Congress to “concur” with other delegates but avoided the word “independence.” Virginia, however, moved in the opposite direction and on May 15, 1776, instructed its delegation to declare independence.  A new Provincial Congress formed in New Jersey also changed positions, placing the Royal Governor William Franklin (1730-1813), the son of Benjamin, under arrest and sending a new delegation to Philadelphia with instructions to declare independence.

On June 7, Virginia delegate Richard Henry Lee (1732-1794) formally presented a plan for the colonies to declare independence, create a national government, and enlist the aid of foreign nations in the war effort. The motion was seconded by John Adams (1735-1826), but political resistance to independence was still deep in the Congress. In Pennsylvania’s case, the provincial Assembly meeting upstairs in the State House remained committed to reconciliation. With passage uncertain, the Continental Congress voted only to resume debate on Lee’s resolution on July 1, 1776.

While those in favor of independence worked behind the scenes to win the votes needed for passage, a committee of five delegates—Adams, Benjamin Franklin (1706-1790), Roger Sherman (1721-1793) of Connecticut, Robert R. Livingston (1746-1813) of New York, and Thomas Jefferson (1743-1826) of Virginia—set to work on the declaration itself.  To complete this most important of tasks, Jefferson moved away from the activity surrounding the State House to the quieter outskirts of the city, at Seventh and Market Streets. Working in rented space on the second floor of the home of bricklayer Jacob Graff, Jefferson completed his draft in roughly two weeks.

After some minor editing and suggestions from Franklin and Adams, the document was presented to the Congress on June 28, 1776, for further editing and debate. The Congress made more than ninety changes to Jefferson’s draft, from changes in vocabulary and sentence structure to the elimination of some Jefferson’s listed grievances against the King. These changes included removing the charge that King George III had delivered the “un-Christian” practice of slavery to American colonies.

On July 1, after a long day of debate, the Congress voted. Each colony had one vote, requiring the delegations to decide among themselves how to cast their single vote. Pennsylvania and South Carolina voted no; New York—whose provincial government was then fleeing the invading British Army—abstained. Delaware’s two delegates were split. Although a majority of the delegations at this moment voted in favor of the resolution, proponents of independence sought unanimous support.

On July 2, the remaining pieces fell into place. South Carolina reversed course and voted in favor of Lee’s resolution. Delaware’s Caesar Rodney (1728-1784), in an act memorialized in 1999 on Delaware’s commemorative state quarter, rode through the night to arrive at the State House to break his delegation’s tie in favor of independence. Within the Pennsylvania delegation, John Dickinson (1732-1808) and Robert Morris (1734-1806), both opponents of independence, abstained, leaving Pennsylvania’s delegation 3-to-2 in favor of independence.  Dickinson, recognizing the symbolic importance of a unanimous decision, did not cast his vote. Realizing he could no longer stay in Congress, Dickinson left and volunteered for the Pennsylvania militia.

The Congress voted unanimously in favor of independence. Some of the delegates—Adams most famously—considered July 2 as the day of American independence. It was July 4, however, when the final editing and wording of the document was approved and sent to Philadelphia printer John Dunlap (1747-1812) at his shop at Second and Market Streets for publication.

Philadelphians first heard the document on July 8, when John Nixon (1733-1808), a Lieutenant Colonel in the Philadelphia militia, read the Declaration of Independence in the State House Yard. The public reaction was passionate and widespread. According to historian William Hogeland, the crowd shouted “God bless the free states of North America!” three times. In the ultimate act of defiance, Pennsylvania militiamen removed the king’s coat of arms from the State House and threw it into a large bonfire.

Thousands of visitors each year visit the Pennsylvania State House, situated then as now on Chestnut Street between Fifth and Sixth Streets. They may not be aware of its history as a State House or that the Georgian style of its architecture expresses deep ties between Pennsylvania and British culture. These visitors are drawn by the significance of this building in the early history of this nation, and know it better by the name it gained from the events of 1776—Independence Hall.

Michael Karpyn teaches History, Economics, and Advanced Placement U.S. Government and Politics at Marple Newtown Senior High School in Newtown Square, Pennsylvania. He has served as a Summer Teaching Fellow at the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, where he is a member of the Teacher Advisory Group.

Philadelphia and Its People in Maps: The 1790s

[caption id="attachment_4090" align="alignright" width="300"] Map of Philadelphia, 1796 (Library of Congress). Although the original city plan envisioned a grid pattern stretching between two major rivers, residents clustered within eight or nine blocks of the Delaware. For a closer view, click on the map.[/caption]

Philadelphia was the premier urban city in North America during the Early National era, a city so admired that people nicknamed it the “Athens of America.” Between 1790 and 1800, it was the official political capital of the United States.  It served as a major commercial hub of the nascent nation and became its financial center during the 1790s.  Philadelphia was the focal point of intellectual and high culture in the new country as well.  As the largest metropolitan area in America, it had a significant impact on region, acting as a magnet for people, wagons, goods, money, and produce from New Jersey and southeast Pennsylvania and sending out its products and setting up commercial and other connections in the region in turn.

[caption id="attachment_4095" align="alignright" width="300"] The Pennsylvania State House in 1799, depicted in an engraving by William Birch. (Library of Congress)[/caption]

The capital of the United States officially moved on December 6, 1790, from New York City to Philadelphia, where it remained for the next decade before moving again to the District of Columbia.  The Pennsylvania city was a fitting capital.  Not only was it geographically located near the midpoint of the new nation, but it also had served as the unofficial political center for the past fifteen years.  The Second Continental Congress signed the Declaration of Independence in the city in 1776, and the United States Constitutional Convention met there in 1787.  Philadelphia also served as the residence of Congress during most of the Confederation Era (1776-1787).  While many Philadelphians wanted to keep the capital in their city after 1800, political compromises  over the national debt and related issues and the desire of southerners to move the capital to an area bounded by slave states, among several concerns, led Congress to move the capital southward. A series of deadly yellow fever epidemics plaguing Philadelphia in the 1790s also persuaded politicians to move.

The first federal census takers in 1790 counted 44,096 residents in the city of Philadelphia and its adjacent suburbs of Southwark and the Northern Liberties, making it the most populous urban center in the new nation.  A decade later, the federal census recorded 67,811 people in  Philadelphia.  The city thus grew at an exceptionally rapid rate of more than 4 percent annually during the 1790s, despite very high death rates, especially during the yellow fever epidemics responsible for at least 9,000 deaths.  High birth rates accounted for some of the growth.  In addition, more than 23,000 passengers landed in the port during the 1790s, while approximately 17,500 others landed in nearby Wilmington, Delaware.  Most came from Ireland and the area that is now Germany.  Migrants escaping revolutions in France and in St. Domingue (now Haiti) likewise arrived in significant numbers.  People from rural New Jersey and southeastern Pennsylvania also frequently moved to the city or its outskirts in search of work.  Widows and unmarried women likely constituted a disproportionate number of the migration from the nearby countryside, where they found little employment. 

Philadelphia served as a special draw for African Americans from the nearby region as well as the southern states. Their numbers tripled between 1790 and 1800, growing from 2,150 (about 5 percent of the city’s population) to 6,436 (approximately 9 percent.)   Most black migrants had freed themselves, either legally or illegally.  Some earned their liberty by serving in the Continental army or navy during the American Revolution.  Others, like Richard Allen (1760-1831) and Absalom Jones (1746-1818), purchased their freedom from their masters.  Still others simply ran away from their masters, fleeing bondage and firmly declaring their own liberty.  They often found refuge and assistance among the growing number of black Philadelphians.  People like Allen and Jones helped build one of the first and most vibrant free black communities in the new nation.

The maps and text below employ relatively new geographic methods to help interpret the past.  They use the technology of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) to locate every householder in Philadelphia recorded in the census of 1790 or the City Directory of 1791.  In the maps, each dot represents a head of household.  By visualizing how people organized themselves, we can learn a great deal about the everyday lives of the people of Philadelphia.

Population Density. For a small city (by modern standards), Philadelphia was surprisingly densely settled during the 1790s. Rather than spread westward from the Delaware River to the Schuylkill River, as William Penn had hoped, Philadelphians subdivided the large blocks with numerous alleys, lanes, and courts and crowded up and down the Delaware River.  Since most residents traveled on foot (only wealthy ones rode horses or carriages), they could not move very far away from their workplace or from the markets and stores where they purchased food.

Density of Structures and People. By 1800, the population density measured well over 50,000 residents per square mile, reaching levels of nearly 93,000 near the wharves and just south of the center city.  Those figures far exceed density in American cities today; they even approximate some of the worst crowding in immigrant areas of New York later in the nineteenth century.  In the map above, the blocks in darker red contained the greatest concentration of people and houses while yellow indicates the least crowded areas.


The Elite Corridor of Market Street. Merchants congregated near the sites where they engaged in business, especially along the wharves of the Delaware River. Hundreds of ships docked at the piers each year, unloading imported goods from Europe and sugar from the West Indies and loading wheat and flour onboard.  Merchants also gathered near the “elite corridor” (in the phrase of geographers) of Market Street.  Shops selling luxury items predominated, including artisans like coachmakers, saddlemakers, goldsmiths, and clockmakers, as well as stores selling imported fashionable goods.  Ironmongers—the equivalent of hardware stores—could afford the high real estate of center city, selling all kinds of metal supplies for artisans, housing constructors, and ship builders.

Residential Patterns by Class.  A person’s position in the socioeconomic structure often determined the parts of the city in which they could afford to live.  Merchants, a wealthier group of citizens represented by the green dots in the map at right, established their business along the wharves of the Delaware River as well as along Market Street.  Laborers, the largest occupational group in the city, and comprised of men near the bottom of the class structure, are represented by red dots.  Renting inexpensive quarters, married laborers often lived with their families (five people on average) on only a single floor of a three-story structure.  Unmarried workers shared rooms in boarding houses. Laborers congregated in the northern, southern, and western areas.

Bakers. Bakers provided inhabitants most with the staff of life.  Since most Philadelphians bought bread every day, bakers spread throughout the city for the convenience of consumers.  Women in poorer households made the dough and then paid the baker a small fee to bake it.  Philadelphians bought most of their fresh foods in the three open-air markets, the most prominent one being in the eastern blocks of Market Street.  Serving the southern part of the city, the “New Market” (or Headhouse) stood in Second Street.  It has been restored and is designated a National Historic Landmark.

Grocers. Like bakers, grocers appeared throughout the city, although they were less prevalent in the northern and southern suburbs, where poorer people gathered. Accounting for 4 percent of the occupations of householders in the city, grocers sold dried goods, like tea, coffee, and sugar.

Tavernkeepers. Like most Americans at the time, Philadelphians were a hard-drinking group of people during the 1790s.  About 180 tavernkeepers, innkeepers, and beerhouses served the population.  Rum produced locally from the molasses imported from the West Indies was a popular drink, as was beer.  Many of those establishments settled along the waterfront, where mariners, stevedores, shoemakers, porters, and laborers joined merchants and attorneys in conversation and drinking.

"Hell Town." The three blocks along the waterfront north of Market Street was called “Hell Town” because it was such a rough neighborhood.  It was home to many down-and-out Philadelphians: vagrants, criminals, prostitutes, itinerants, fugitive slaves and servants, the insane, incapacitated, and homeless. These men, women, and children accounted for one out of every ten people in the city, and they often appeared on the dockets of the almshouse, workhouse, prison, and hospital.  Also located in this area was the Three Jolly Irishmen, one of the most notorious taverns in the city.

Elfreth's Alley. Dating from the early eighteenth century, Elfreth's Alley is perhaps the oldest continually inhabited alley in the nation.  In 1790, thirty households with 123 people crowded into the alley.  Most of them belonged to the lower classes: laborers, mariners, schoolmistresses, joiners, tailors, and bricklayers.  In 1960, Elfreth’s Alley was designated a National Historic Landmark.

Yellow Fever broke out in epidemic proportion in 1793, 1797, 1798, and 1799.  The most severe, and one of the most deadly in American history, occurred in 1793, when an estimated 5,000 inhabitants died.  This map records the intensity of the fever, with darker colored lines marking the streets with highest mortality.  Yellow fever was most deadly near the northern wharves, where poorer people lived, and where Hell Town was located.  It also took a heavy toll along Dock Creek.  Both areas furnished breeding places for the Aedes aegypti, the type of mosquitoes that transmit the disease.  Wealthier people fled the city while the less affluent stayed behind.  As a result, the affliction was class specific, killing the middle and lower classes more often than the elite.

Slaves and Slave Owners. In 1780, Pennsylvania became one of the first states to pass a gradual emancipation law.  A decade later, federal census takers recorded 301 slaves in urban Philadelphia, and that number continued to decline rapidly throughout the 1790s.  As this map shows, slavery helped create a racially integrated city, at least as measured by residential patterns.  Slave owners spread widely, with a slightly heavier concentration of them south of Market Street.  Most black bound people lived in stables, attics, or basements, or occupied small out-of-the-way rooms in their owner’s home.

 

 African American Heads of Household. Black Philadelphians congregated in two major groupings.  A few blocks north of the State House (subsequently named Independence Hall), a sympathetic white Quaker was willing to rent housing to free black people.  Another group settled on Fifth Street, in the city’s southwestern section.

Most free black people lived in households containing between seven and fifteen people, as compared to the 6.2 average size of all households in Philadelphia.  When given a choice, African Americans seemingly decided to live with others of their own race rather than in households headed by white men, who might expect to exercise control over their lives.  During the 1790s, the expanding, vibrant community of black residents established the African Methodist Episcopal Church, the first free black Christian church in the Western World.  The original church was an old blacksmith’s shop, which they moved to Sixth Street, in the midst of where many black free householders resided.  Their neighborhood concentration surely facilitated the establishment of the church.

Female Heads of Household. Women headed one of every eight Philadelphia households.  They spread across the city, with a slight concentration in the northern blocks where housing cost less.  Employment opportunities for women, whether single or married, were limited by the society’s definition of proper gender roles.  Approximately half of female household heads engaged in two types of work: (1) running a boardinghouse, inn, tavern, or lodging house, or (2) operating a small store or a huckster shop, mostly catering to other women.

Schoolmistresses. About 10 percent of female household heads taught schools, either running their own establishments or tutoring in one of the Young Ladies’ Academies that mushroomed in urban centers after the American Revolution.  The new ideal of womanhood held that women should be at least minimally educated so that they could teach their sons to be responsible citizens in the new republic.  As a result, a higher proportion of women, especially those from affluent families, became literate.  

One of every five female household heads produced cloth items, toiling as spinners of thread, tailors, stocking weavers, or mantuamakers.  A few operated brothels, popular in a seaport city filled with numerous peripatetic males like sailors.  Some household heads identified as “gentlewoman” may have been sufficiently wealthy, perhaps having inherited money from their husband or father, to not have to labor for wages.  Many widows and other women who lived in families earned wages essential to keeping the household afloat as housekeepers, clothes washers, cooks, seamstresses, and hired servants.

 

Paul Sivitz earned his PhD from Montana State University in 2012.  His research focuses on early America, the history of science, and mapping late eighteenth-century Philadelphia.  Currently, he teaches at Idaho State University.

Billy G. Smith is Professor of History at Montana State University.  Much of his research focuses on poorer people and runaway slaves in early America as well the experience of everyday life.  Ship of Death: The Voyage that Changed the Atlantic World is forthcoming from Yale University Press.

 

Omnibuses

One of the earliest forms of public transportation in Philadelphia (and its early suburbs prior to the 1854 consolidation of the city with the county) was the horse-drawn omnibus introduced in 1831. The omnibus, together with the railroad, created the first urban commuters and it effectively became the model for all future street-based public transportation development in Philadelphia.

[caption id="attachment_4064" align="alignright" width="300" caption="At Third and Walnut Streets in 1832, omnibuses carry commuters to and from the Merchants' Exchange. (Library Company of Philadelphia)"][/caption]

The omnibus was both a concept and a technology. As a concept, it was simply a short-distance version of the stage coach that operated on fixed routes, for fixed fares, and without the need for advance reservations. As a technology, the omnibus was a new form of horse-drawn vehicle that allowed for more rapid ingress and egress of passengers Although the omnibus was “public transit” (in the sense it was shared), its relatively high fares precluded it from being “mass transit” and the majority of riders in Philadelphia and elsewhere were members of the middle classes and above. Omnibus riders were primarily business owners and senior “clerks” (salaried workers), whose firms were located in the central business district (then centered on Second and Third Streets) and who lived in Southwark, the Northern Liberties, and western Philadelphia. Along with similar people who used the early commuter trains, these were the first Philadelphians who could separate home from work by any appreciable distance.

By 1830, the population of the city and its adjoining suburbs in the county was well in excess of 130,000 and it was the second largest metropolitan area in the country after New York. As the population expanded northward, westward and southward from the city’s original center along the Delaware River at Market Street, entrepreneurs imported the concept of the omnibus from Paris (where it originated in 1819 and the name was coined in 1828), New York (1827) and London (1829). James Boxall opened the first route in December 1831 on Chestnut Street between Second Street and Schuylkill Seventh Street (modern Sixteenth Street). The service operated hourly and charged a fare of ten cents. From this modest start, omnibus service quickly expanded throughout the city and its immediately adjoining suburbs. By the late 1850s over three hundred omnibuses operated over dozens of routes on a regular basis. While fares remained high on many routes (commonly ten or twelve cents), some shorter routes charged lower fares (as little as three cents per trip) and most lines offered annual “subscriptions” (or season tickets) to regular commuters.

Based on evidence primarily drawn from New York, most historians have assumed that the unregulated omnibuses functioned in a rather wildcat manner; the little surviving evidence from Philadelphia in the 1850s, however, indicates a more regular and self-regulated operation with fixed routes on parallel streets. In 1855, the city imposed an annual tax on vehicles used as omnibuses and as this tax nicely coincides with the introduction of street railways in 1858, it allows the tracking of the omnibuses’ decline. In 1857, there were 322 omnibuses taxed in the city, by 1859, this had fallen to 59, and reached a mere one by 1864. The day of the horse-drawn streetcar had arrived. The rails of the streetcars allowed for smoother and faster transport with fewer horses and the new technology rapidly replaced the old omnibus as the primary means of transport on most streets.

Omnibus routes set precedents for later public transportation systems in Philadelphia. (Map by John Hepp)

John Hepp is associate professor of history at Wilkes University in Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, and he teaches American urban and cultural history with an emphasis on the period 1800 to 1940.