Gentrification

photo of factory building from outside on street level
The Chocolate Works, one of many converted factories in gentrifying sections of the city, conveys familiar language for changing neighborhoods in listing as amenities pet-friendly apartments includes Energy-Star-rated appliances, white quartz countertops, and high ceilings. Enjoy community common spaces, such as a resident library, workstations, and lounge. (PhillyHistory.org)

No doubt demographics in the Philadelphia region have shifted in the twenty-first century as the city proper, in line with other major urban area across the country, have made something of an economic comeback. New investment has spurred rising demand for housing in Center City, while rising costs have burdened nearby areas traditionally marginalized economically. With progress, then, has come greater poverty, maintaining Philadelphia’s position as the poorest big city in the nation.

Two years after Dylan Gotlieb published his essay on gentrification in Philadelphia in the Encyclopedia in 2014, the Pew Foundation confirmed his finding that the controversial and often disruptive process was largely confined to areas close to if not entirely within Center City. Identifying only 15 of the city’s 372 census tracts where gentrification was significant, the study noted that the overall number of residents living in poverty, by contrast, had grown by 69,000 people since 2000.

Three years later the Federal Reserve of Philadelphia released another study minimizing the reach of gentrification and its effects, commenting that such change “creates some important benefits for original resident adults and children and few observable harms.”

Gentrification became enough of a problem, however, to prompt critical reviews from Philadelphia Inquirer columnist Inga Saffron and urban critic Richard Florida, who, as a fellow at Drexel University in 2019, proclaimed that Philadelphia was caught in a “new urban crisis,” characterized by rising income inequality, economic segregation, and housing unaffordability, conditions closely associated with gentrification.

If think tanks in the mid-teens considered gentrification a relatively limited experience concentrated at the city core, it was easy to see in the 2020s how the phenomenon was spreading.  Once deeply divested communities, Point Breeze and Grey’s Ferry witnessed rapid gentrification, due to their proximity to the heated real estate activity of Graduate Hospital and, Saffron argued, changes in the zoning code. While Fishtown at the river’s edge witnessed higher home values in the early part of the century, nearby East Kensington also gentrified in subsequent years as development spilled over. New construction, and the social change that came with it near Temple University, extended west to Strawberry Mansion, once one of the poorest areas of the city

Heralded physical changes to the downtown only accelerated the process. Spurred by completion of the long-awaited Schuylkill River Park, for instance, heighted gentrification in adjacent Graduate Hospital, prompted the environmentally advantageous alteration to be described pejoratively as “greenwashing.”

Steven McGovern devotes a good part of a chapter in his new book, Mobilization Politics, to gentrification, stressing the ways activists have sought relief through such new initiatives as inclusionary housing measures and a 1% tax on construction devoted to subsidizing housing in areas of high demand. Such efforts have had limited effect, however, as new construction continues to concentrate in areas of gentrification. In the past year, 44% of the new homes constructed in Philadelphia were located in the eight zip codes of greater Center City, most just north and south of the downtown core.

picture of newly built rowhomes from street level
New buildings inserted into existing rowhouse blocks are another sign of gentrification, in this case 1712 Christian Street, Graduate Hospital. (phillyyimby.com)

As a council member, Mayor Cherelle Parker stressed the need to maintain what she called “middle neighborhoods,” areas witnessing neither strong real estate appreciation nor disinvestment and decline, but something in the middle: areas like West Oak Lane, Lawndale, and Logan in her old district. The ambitious housing plan she just announced could well aid these areas by spurring new construction on vacant land and rehabilitation of older properties. It’s harder to see how the plan would relieve pressures in gentrifying areas, especially when federal subsidies seem increasingly out of the question.

Philadelphia has clearly entered a crossroads. Affordable housing, in and out of gentrifying areas, remains a huge challenge, one the city will struggle to resolve as its ambitious plans come up against the combined challenges of an overheated market at the city core, stagnation at the periphery, and almost certain cuts in federal funding.

Philadelphia’s Affordable Housing Challenge

Philadelphia’s current affordable housing crisis is hardly unique in modern America, but the city’s status as among the nation’s poorest large cities makes the challenge especially acute. Mayor Cherelle Parker’s proposed solution, detailed March 24th this year, is promising but problematic. Facing not just traditional obstacles of costs and political will, the proposal has been unveiled during a period of particular federal hostility toward subsidies of any kind, not the least for low-income buyers and renters.

According to a 2020 Pew Foundation report, Philadelphia’s housing costs are low relative to other peer cities, but because of its high level of poverty, the proportion of its households considered cost-burdened (spending at least 30 percent of its income on housing) is also high. The problem is particularly acute for renters with incomes below $30,000 per year, 88 percent of whom are cost-burdened, with 68 percent severely cost-burdened, meaning they spend at least 50 percent of their income on housing.

Parker’s $2 billion plan, anticipating funds drawn primarily from municipal bonds, aims to create and preserve 30,000 housing units during her first term in office. Spread primarily through seven distinct programs, the effort would, among other things, turn publicly held land (through the city’s currently underperforming land bank) over to private investors for new development while also also providing grants for repairs, subsidies for new mortgages, and payments for back rent.  Criticized by the Philadelphia Coalition for Affordable Communities, formed in 2014, for not doing enough to reach low-income residents, Parker has defended her approach supporting households that do not live in poverty by official measurements but are still struggling.  Often referred to as “middle neighborhoods”  of the kind Parker represented when she was in city council, these areas, though stable, have issues—most usually related to the age of the housing stock—and are not usually eligible for government subsidy.  Assisting these areas could help reduce demand and bring down prices in areas prone to gentrification.

Additional support for Parker’s approach can be found in light of a parallel crisis in public transit. As the Public Citizen recently argued,  Philadelphia’s leaders could boost SEPTA’s operational health by encouraging the development of more housing near what it calls the city’s high-quality transit infrastructure. Such investment where housing density is low, in such “middle neighborhoods” as Germantown and Chestnut Hill, for instance, could well boost ridership and help sustain the system, an approach the Citizen buttresses with the support of a study from the moderate Republican Niskanen Center. No less problematic than federal funding, such broad-based thinking is still worth the effort for any such important program in housing development that is likely to stretch out for years.

It would be up to public housing, then, to expand its historic role in meeting the needs of the city’s poorest neighborhoods. Public funding over time has failed to keep up with demand for space or upkeep on the stock that already exists. Currently some 100,000 people appear on various wait lists.  Significantly, then, the Philadelphia Housing Authority has launched its own ambitious $6.3 billion plan, concentrated on remaking its entire housing portfolio while also adding thousands of new subsidized units through new construction and acquisition of privately held properties. PHA President Kelvin Jeremiah speaks optimistically about working with the Trump administration to draw on existing program funding such as Section 8 housing vouchers, which would be used for reconstructed units. Such funding, however, could well not be available according to recent reports. HUD Secretary Scott Turner took the lead in Opportunity Zone funding in the first Trump administration, so there might be better hope in attracting private investment for new construction in underserved areas.

In all likelihood, Philadelphia will muddle through the current housing crisis. This would be a good time, however, to do more than muddle by rethinking just where and how new housing policies can help keep Philadelphia a “city of homes.”  Well before Trump’s election, Drexel University’s Bruce Katz was promoting a “new localism,” which would help metropolitan regional economies become less reliant on federal funding. Not incidentally, he has been instrumental in forming a new national housing crisis task force, and the preliminary ideas generated in this process should become a part of the dialogue informing Philadelphia’s affordable housing campaign.

No doubt national housing policy has become a crucial area of concern when its future remains so uncertain under the Trump administration. As Philadelphia’s leadership grapples with the challenge, we can only hope it takes the opportunity to make the most of a difficult situation to consider innovations in its approach that could help free the city from additional uncertainties created in Washington and realize its ambitious goals at home.

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